The Cavite mutiny (Spanish: El Motín de Cavite; Filipino: Pag-aaklas sa Kabite) was an uprising of Filipino military personnel of Fort San Felipe, the Spanish arsal in Cavite,
Philippine Islands (th also known as part of the Spanish East Indies) on January 20, 1872. Around 200 locally recruited colonial troops and laborers rose up in the belief that it would elevate to a national uprising. The mutiny was unsuccessful, and governmt soldiers executed many of the participants and began to crack down on a burgeoning Philippines nationalist movemt. Many scholars believed that the Cavite mutiny was the beginning of Filipino nationalism that would evtually lead to the Philippine Revolution of 1896.
José Montero y Vidal was a Spanish historian who interpreted that the mutiny was an attempt to remove and overthrow the Spanish colonizers in the Philippines. His account, corroborated with the account of Governor-Geral Rafael Izquierdo, the governor-geral of the Philippines at the time of the mutiny. Both mtioned that the mutiny was powered by a group of native clergy.
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The Cavite Mutiny was an aim of the natives to get of the Spanish governmt in the Philippines, due to the removal of privileges joyed by the laborers of the Cavite arsal at Fort San Felipe, such as exemption from the tribute and forced labor (polo y servicio). The democratic and republican books and pamphlets, the speeches and preaching of the apostles of these new ideas in Spain and the outburst of the American publicists and the cruel policies of the inssitive governor whom the reigning governmt st to govern the country. Native Filipinos put into action these ideas where the occurring conditions which gave rise to the idea of achieving their indepdce.
Governor-Geral Izquierdo insisted that the mutiny was stimulated and prepared by the native clergy, mestizos and lawyers as a signal of objection against the injustices of the governmt such as not paying provinces for tobacco crops, pay tribute and rdering of forced labor. It is not clearly idtified if the natives planned to inaugurate a monarchy or a republic because they do not have a word in their own language to describe this differt form of governmt, whose leader in Filipino would be called hari. However, it turned out that they would set at the supreme of the governmt a priest and that the leader selected would be José Burgos or Jacinto Zamora, which was the plan of the rebels who guided them; and the means they counted upon its realization.
The evt was just a simple mutiny since up to that time the Filipinos have no inttion of separation from Spain but only secure materials and education advancemts in the country. However, the mutiny was used at a powerful level. Also, in this time, the ctral governmt deprived friars of the powers of involvemt in civil governmt and in governing and handling universities. This resulted in the friars' fear that their leverage in the Philippines would be a thing in the past, took advantage of the mutiny and reported it to the Spanish governmt as a broad conspiracy organized throughout the archipelago with the object of abolishing Spanish sovereignty. The Madrid governmt without any attempt to investigate the real facts or extt of the alleged revolution reported by Izquierdo and the friars believed the scheme was true.
Ang Pag Aalsa Sa Cavite
Plauchut traced the immediate cause to a peremptory order from the Governor-Geral Izquierdo, exacting personal taxes from the Filipino laborers in the gineering and artillery corps in the Cavite arsal, and requiring them to perform forced labor like ordinary subjects. Until th, these workers in the arsal had be joying exemptions from both taxes and forced labor. January 20, the day of the revolt, was payday and the laborers found the amount of taxes as well as the corresponding fee in lieu of the forced labor deducted from their pay velopes. It was the last straw. That night they mutinied. Forty infantry soldiers and twty m from the artillery took over command of Fort of San Felipe and fired carronades to announce their momt of triumph. It was a short-lived victory. Appartly, the mutineers had expected to be joined by their comrades in the 7th infantry company assigned to patrol the Cavite plaza. They became terror-strick, however, wh they beckoned to the 7th infantry m from the ramparts of the fort and their comrades did not make any move to join them. Instead, the company started attacking them. The rebels decided to bolt the gates and wait for morning wh support from Manila was expected to come. He gave a dispassionate account of it and its causes in an article published in the Revue des Deux Mondes in 1877. He traced that the primary cause of the mutiny is believed to be an order from Governor-Geral Carlos de la Torre (Izquierdo's predecessor) to subject the soldiers of the gineering and Artillery Corps to personal taxes, from which they were previously exempt. The taxes required them to pay a monetary sum as well as to perform forced labor called, polo y servicio. The mutiny was sparked on January 20, 1872, wh the laborers received their pay and realized the taxes as well as the falla, the fine one paid to be exempt from forced labor, had be deducted from their salaries.
Differt accounts in the Cavite mutiny also highlighted other probable causes of the revolution which included a Spanish revolution which overthrew the secular throne, dirty propagandas proliferated by unrestrained press, democratic, liberal and republican books and pamphlets reaching the Philippines, and most importantly, the presce of the native clergy who out of animosity against the Spanish friars, conspired and supported the rebels and emies of Spain.
In addition, accounts of the mutiny suggest that the Glorious Revolution in Spain during that time added more determination to the natives to overthrow the currt colonial Spanish governmt.
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Their leader was Fernando La Madrid, a mestizo sergeant with his second in command Jaerel Brt Sior, a moro. They seized Fort San Felipe and killed elev Spanish officers. The mutineers thought that Filipino native soldiers in Manila would join them in a concerted uprising, the signal being the firing of rockets from the city walls on that night.
Unfortunately, what they thought to be the signal was actually a burst of fireworks in celebration of the feast of Our Lady of Loreto, the patron of Sampaloc. The plan was to set fires in Tondo in order to distract the authorities while the artillery regimt and infantry in Manila could take control of Fort Santiago and use cannon shots as signals to Cavite. All Spaniards were to be killed, except for the wom.
News of the mutiny reached Manila, supposedly through the lover of a Spanish sergeant, who th informed his superiors, and the Spanish authorities feared for a massive Filipino uprising. The next day, a regimt led by Geral Felipe Ginovés besieged the fort until the mutineers surrdered. Ginovés th ordered his troops to fire at those who surrdered, including La Madrid. The rebels were formed in a line, wh Colonel Sabas asked who would not cry out, Viva España, and shot the one man who stepped forward.
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In the immediate aftermath, some Filipino soldiers were disarmed and later st into exile on the southern island of Mindanao. Those suspected of directly supporting the mutineers were arrested and executed. The mutiny was used by the colonial governmt and Spanish friars to implicate three secular priests, Mariano Gomez, José Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, collectively known as Gomburza. They were executed by garrote in Luneta, also known in Tagalog as Bagumbayan, on February 17, 1872.
These executions, particularly those of the Gomburza, were to have a significant effect on people because of the shadowy nature of the trials. José Rizal, whose brother Paciano was a close frid of Burgos, dedicated his work, El filibusterismo, to these three priests.
On January 27, 1872, Governor-Geral Izquierdo approved the death stces on 41 of the mutineers. On February 6, elev more were stced to death, but these were later commuted to life imprisonmt. Others were exiled to other islands of the colonial Spanish East Indies such as Guam, Mariana Islands, including Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Antonio M. Regidor y Jurado, Pio Basa, and José María Basa.
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The most important group created a colony of Filipino expatriates in Europe, particularly in the Spanish capital of Madrid and Barcelona, where they were able to create small insurgt associations and print publications that were to advance the claims of the seeding Philippine Revolution.
In spite of the mutiny, the Spanish authorities continued to employ large numbers of native Filipino troops, carabineros and civil guards in their colonial forces through the 1870s–1890s until the Spanish–American War of 1898.
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During the short trial, the captured mutineers testified against Father Burgos. The state witness, Francisco Zaldua, declared that he had be told by